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ISSUE 22 - NOVEMBER 2020 - COPIES

 

 

 

 Cuba: 60 Years of Revolution, 60 Years of Oppression

Image for postBerta Soler and the Ladies in White marching in Havana (March 20, 2016)

Last month, the Cuban regime reportedly released over 6,500 prisoners to curb the spread of COVID-19. It was also reported that more than 300 people were imprisoned for “spreading an epidemic” by refusing to wear face masks.

It is unclear whether political prisoners were among those granted an “early release,” but pursuant to a petition signed by Cuban organizations operating in exile, political prisoners continue to be subjected to the most deplorable conditions during the pandemic.

The Cuban regime’s actions clearly demonstrate the implementation of repressive policies under the guise of “modernization” — further entrenching the government’s totalitarian dictatorship.

Introduction

Cuba is the largest island in the West Indies archipelago, positioned at the intersection of the Atlantic Ocean, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Caribbean Sea. Roughly 90 miles north of the country is the United States’ Straits of Florida.

Cuba has been under authoritarian rule since 1952, when dictator Fulgencio Batista took power. As Batista made fortunes and built up his influence over the country, he developed a reputation as a corrupt and ruthless ruler. He controlled the press, suspended free and fair elections, and banned protests. Batista was overthrown in 1959 by a coup d’état, or “revolution” led by Fidel Castro, which resulted in Castro’s political domination, and condemned the island to continued isolation from the rest of the world, even today.

Castro imposed severe internet censorship and state-controlled media regulations, and the Cuban government continues to have the most repressive media conditions in the Americas. Reporters Without Borders ranked Cuba 171 out of 180 countries on its 2020 Press Freedom Index.

Behind Castro’s revolutionary image was a lethal intent: he used his influence as an oppressor to persecute and punish those who engaged in dissent and opposed his dictatorship. Fundamental freedoms — particularly civil and political rights — were abused, and thousands of Cubans were imprisoned, beaten, and executed.

In the 1960s, the regime even went as far as profiting off of these executions by harvesting the blood of political prisoners prior to their execution. Roughly seven pints of blood were harvested from each prisoner, resulting in their state of paralysis. They were then lifted on stretchers, executed by firing squad, and buried in common graves. The Cuban government proceeded to sell their blood at $50/pint to Communist Vietnam.

Not even children were spared from the waves of arbitrary imprisonment and execution. According to Cuba Archives, at least 22 minors were killed by firing squad and 32 by extrajudicial killings under Castro’s regime.

These horrific acts of exploitation and injustice are only glimpses into Castro’s dark legacy.

Political Regime Type

At the end of 1958, Fidel Castro and his rebel forces began the process of ousting Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. Their efforts and preparation, however, had begun years earlier when Batista canceled the 1952 Cuban elections and seized power. Fidel Castro, who was running for a seat in congress, was thus deprived of his opportunity to be elected. He subsequently began leading a “Movement” to purportedly return the Caribbean island to a democratic nation.

In January 1959, Fidel Castro and his rebel forces — including Raúl Castro, Ché Guevera, and Camilo Cienfuegos — finally entered Havana and began to centralize their power, unilaterally determining how the country would operate. Although Castro claimed to be a democratic nationalist, his consolidated power quickly led to the rounding up and execution of approximately 500 remaining Batista officials.

Fidel Castro became largely influenced by socialism and communism. After demolishing the remains of Batista’s era, he quickly allied with the Soviet Union, which provided Cuba with substantial agricultural support and subsidies. The two countries’ alignment provoked the United States during the Cold War era and brought about international events including the Bay of Pigs and the Cuban Missile Crisis. In addition, the United States imposed a trade embargo in 1962.

Castro’s government formally proclaimed Cuba a socialist state in 1961. The announcement was made one month after the failed United States-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion, which resulted in the imprisonment and execution of hundreds of anti-Castro rebels. Fidel Castro then declared the annulment of elections, which consolidated his power and was later enshrined in Cuba’s 1976 constitution.

The 1976 constitution, which formally entrenched socialist domination, was inspired by the ideologies of Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Criticism toward the constitution was rooted in how it was drafted, and the mechanism that determined its approval. Lack of citizen participation regarding the drafting of the constitution was a major deficit. The referendum was established by the Communist Party and the National Assembly — overseen by Fidel Castro — whose members were not elected publicly. The constitution, which controlled every aspect of citizens’ way of life, ultimately gave the regime the capacity to crush any and all dissent.

Upon the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Cuba entered into what was euphemistically called a Special Period, which included food rationing, gasoline shortages, and the proliferation of small-scale gardens for Cubans to meet basic nutritional needs, among other things. While spreading propaganda internationally about the implementation of universal health care and education, he left Cubans without economic opportunities and liberty, which was particularly devastating during the Special Period.

Half a decade later, Cuba’s economy began to stabilize as its human rights record continued to decline. In 2003, Cuba’s “Black Spring” drew international condemnation when 75 journalists were arbitrarily arrested, tortured, and detained. These journalists were held on spurious charges, subjected to show trials, barred from consulting with legal counsel outside of the courtroom, and denied medical care while in prison. Many of these political prisoners languished in prison for years. Among them was human rights activist Omar Rodriguez, who was arrested for his involvement in the Varela Project, a draft bill spearheaded by prodemocracy activist Oswaldo Payá that proposed a referendum in which Cubans would decide on reforms that would enable the effective respect of fundamental rights.

That same week, three men attempted to reach the United States by hijacking a ferry. Days later — after a show trial — they were executed by firing squad for what the government claimed to be acts of terrorism. Four other men who had aided in appropriating the boat were sentenced to life in prison.

The Cuban regime’s systematic repression represents the widespread sense of injustice that permeates the island. For example, Cuba’s anti-expression law, Decree 349 — one of the first laws signed by Mr. Díaz-Canel — came into force in 2018 and requires artists, musicians, and writers to receive governmental approval prior to presenting their work publicly or even in the privacy of their homes. The decree allows the Ministry of Culture to suspend performances and advise on cancelling the authorization to engage in artistic work altogether. These judgments can only be appealed before the very same Ministry of Culture, as opposed to an independent and impartial body.

Decree 349 builds on an already existing system of laws and regulations that threaten freedom of expression. The Decree is wholly inconsistent with international human rights standards, jeopardizes free speech and liberty, and is ultimately intended to silence voices that criticize the government. The law’s language is extremely broad and prohibits, for example, the “use of patriotic symbols that contravene current legislation” and “anything that violates the legal provisions that regulate the normal development of our society in cultural matters.”

Cuba’s “New” Constitution

In February 2019, the 1976 constitution was replaced with a new constitution through an orchestrated referendum process. Approximately 86.9% of voters of the roughly 8 million who voted, supported the referendum.

While a voter turnout of nearly 87% would be considered very high for democracies around the world, in Cuba’s case, it’s the natural outcome of a tightly controlled process whose sole purpose is to secure a predetermined result.

Government officials go door-to-door coaxing citizens to go to the polls, and political dissident Antonio Rodiles notes that voter turnout is typically extremely high “because even though people know it’s theater, they also know that they keep track of who votes.” Michael Svetlik, vice-president of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, confirms that elections are typically rigged in authoritarian regimes, and that citizens vote out of fear of punishment. The Cuban regime’s system is no exception; there are no political opposition parties or secret votes to challenge the constitution or regime, so referendums are not free or fair.

Dissidents, who deemed the political process fraudulent, reported that citizens were temporarily detained for either voting “no” or abstaining from voting altogether. The referendum triggered arbitrary arrests across the country and led to the detention of over 400 citizens, as well as a minimum of “48 acts of harassment and 12 physical attacks.”

The police also raided homes of opposition activists and threatened dissidents, warning that “the next time they will end up in a jail cell,” when referring to activists who had given a workshop on voting observation. José Daniel Ferrer, for example, who promoted the “No” vote in a public park, was detained and, alongside 70 other members of his organization, went on hunger strike to protest the Cuban government’s monolithic state.

The new constitution preserves Cuba’s one-party socialist system and is “committed to never returning to capitalism as a regime,” yet this time openly endorses foreign investment (Article 28). While in theory the new constitution reflects some of the proposed changes that were put forth by Cuban citizens, Cuba’s authoritarian regime continues to actively oppress Cuban citizens by withholding fundamental rights of expression.

For example, citizens campaigned for a constitution that would pave the way for same-sex marriage. However, the Drafting Commission removed gender-neutral descriptions of marriage and left members of the LGBTQ community without equal rights. In addition, Cuban citizens are able to “combat through any means, including armed combat when other means are not available, against any that intend to topple the political, social, and economic order.” The term “topple,” however, is not defined in the constitution and could be used broadly to target dissidents for political reasons. Furthermore, while the state now prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation (Article 42), protects women from gender violence, and safeguards their sexual and reproductive rights (Article 43), gender and sexual equality continue to be theoretical and abstract improvements. Women are consistently excluded as decision makers, and fall victim to horrific forms of domestic abuse that have only escalated during the COVID-19 quarantine. Yoani Sánchez, a celebrated Cuban blogger and prodemocracy activist, provides a list of resources that Cuban women so desperately need including, shelters for battered women, fair pay, and the opportunity to assume government positions.

Perhaps most notably, the new constitution limits the president’s term to two consecutive periods of five years and highlights that, similar to parliamentary systems, the president will be selected by the National Assembly (Article 126), which may seem like a significant change from the previous era of Castro rule for nearly six decades. However, in practice, the Cuban regime remains a fully authoritarian regime without an independent judiciary or lawful administration of justice by which to hold the government accountable.

The Economy

Fidel Castro relinquished most of his power in 2008, and appointed his hand-picked successor, his brother, Raúl Castro, as Head of State. Raúl’s presidency supposedly resulted in the expansion of the economy, allowing for foreign investment, the buying and selling of property, and permitted entrepreneurs to open small businesses. In addition, Cubans gained access to cellphones, computers, and the internet.

In 2014, Raúl Castro and then-President of the United States, Barack Obama, announced a prisoner exchange and the restoration of diplomatic relations, further presenting the façade of a modernizing Cuba. However, in the background of these developments, Raúl Castro continued to implement many of the abusive tactics that his brother had relied on. For example, a “dangerousness law,” gives the state permission to incarcerate citizens based on a suspicion that they might perpetrate crimes in the future, rather than on the basis of actually having committed a crime. The existence of such legislation allows for an overly broad application of the law, thus enabling the regime to crackdown on various forms of dissent.

Critics of the Cuban regime assert that Raúl’s presidency did not result in the expansion of the economy, and that reforms have been slow and subject to several restrictions. Roughly 12 percent of the country’s G.D.P, generated through private businesses, is heavily controlled by the state. Ministries that operate on national, provincial, and municipal levels have the authority to oversee and report on private businesses under their jurisdictions. These ministries subject business owners to overwhelming requirements and permit government officials to enforce heavy fines, suspend licenses, and seize properties. Furthermore, Cuban citizens are only permitted to acquire one license for one business, blocking them from diversifying their trades.

Other regulations that have prevented the growth of the private sector or imposed restrictions on it include the demand that private taxi drivers document their fuel purchases from government gas stations, preventing them from purchasing fuel on the black market. The informal economy, however, provides a critical means for innovation, autonomy, and entrepreneurialism that is otherwise stifled by state control. In addition, restaurants and bars have set capacities at 50 customers. Furthermore, daycare centers must apportion a minimum of two square meters per child, with no more than six children per daycare aide. Perhaps most damaging, are the laws that enforce an upward-sloping wage scale. Wages increase as more employees are hired, becoming acutely expensive and inaccessible to the average business owner, who earns a salary of roughly $32 per month. Meanwhile, farmers are forced to sell their crops at prices set by the state and that are below market value, rather than being allowed to sell their crops at prices set by supply and demand.

Amid a deepening economic crisis, the government imposed price controls that apply to state-run companies, as well as private sector cooperatives, farmers, small businesses, and self-employed citizens. Pork, for example, which was previously set at 65 pesos per pound is now set at 45 pesos per pound, illustrating the loss of income that farmers have to bear when their monthly wages are already so meager. “With the new prices we are super asphyxiated because the farmer who moves his pigs to Havana still charges 28 pesos a pound,” said Mr. Soler, who is a Cuban butcher. These measures of control indicate the government’s unwillingness to support the expansion of the economy, and, according to Paul Hare, the former British ambassador to Cuba, they also indicate that the Cuban regime is worried about the influence of self-employed and cooperative businesses in the agricultural sector. The government’s control over supply and demand creates an economy that does not conform to citizens’ needs, and effectively damages their standard of life.

The state’s control over the private sector confirms that the regime’s expansion of the economy is deeply superficial. Rather than promoting a capital-rich and diversified economy, the state suppresses any competition against its political interests.

In 2018, Miguel Díaz-Canel succeeded Raúl Castro as President of Cuba. He is the first person outside of the Castro family to take power since the Cuban Revolution over half a century ago. His election, however, did not take place in the context of a free and fair election. He was selected by the National Assembly as their sole candidate, which ensured his appointment and the continuation of Cuba’s one-party state.

While cell phones, computers, and the internet exist within Cuba’s economy, President Miguel Díaz-Canel continues to restrict Cuban citizens’ access to the mobile internet through prohibitively high pricing; four gigabytes of data, for example, cost roughly $30 per month, which is equivalent to the average monthly salary of most citizens. The internet also continues to be heavily censored by the state. The Cuban regime actively blocks independent news, as well as websites that oppose the government and advocate for fundamental reform.

Healthcare and Education

The Cuban Revolution may be seen by some as having transformed the country, in terms of both challenging foreign interests and policy and how Cubans structure their daily lives, inspiring many who have stayed in the country, as the state has claimed to make improvements to healthcare, education, and literacy, and initiated international humanitarian missions.

However, the Cuban Revolution has also pushed millions of people to leave the country. Sixty-one years after Fidel Castro’s coup d’état, the revolution’s darker legacy continues to pervade Cuban society. The state’s revered social system is simultaneously a system of near-universal poverty. Universal healthcare and education mean little if medical products are depleted, if machinery is outdated, and if buildings are crumbling. Sources convey that medicines are missing, and that entire shelves at pharmacies are bare. Those who fall ill are often expected to bring their own sheets, food, and water to the hospital.

Hilda Molina, the former chief neurosurgeon in Cuba, has lamented over the state of Cuba’s health sector and described the politicization of the health system by the Cuban regime, where control is exerted over medical and scientific institutions, universities, and professionals. Within this context, medical statistics are managed — and often falsified — by the state, as opposed to independent experts. Dr. Molina also revealed that sewage and garbage are often strewn along streets, contaminating the country’s drinking water supply and further entrenching deficient and dangerous health conditions.

The Cuban regime hinders doctors’ capabilities under a highly controlled system that stifles medical progress. The country’s closed society bars health care professionals from traveling, consulting, and engaging with other medical experts in the international community, which affects their ability to receive up-to-date information and collaborate with others in innovative ways.

While Cuba’s “esteemed” medical missions are often doted on by the media and host governments around the world — including a recent COVID-19 mission to Italy — they are unjust as they represent a modern form of slavery. Cuban doctors commonly share stories of their forced participation into Cuba’s medical missions and describe strict regulations enforced by the Cuban regime in order to prevent them from defecting while they are overseas. They report being surveilled by Cuban authorities while abroad, having their passports confiscated, and being subjected to horrific forms of intimidation, including sexual harassment and abuse. Some doctors have revealed that they were stationed in areas infiltrated by criminal gangs, and were threatened at gunpoint. Despite their perseverance through these dangerous conditions, doctors are only paid a fraction of what they are owed, while the rest of their remuneration is funneled back to the Cuban regime. The UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery and the UN Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons even noted that, “forced labor constitutes a contemporary form of slavery,” in their letter to the Cuban regime in 2019.

In addition, Cuban doctors have noted that they are often coerced into falsifying statistics and political propagandizing. Doctors are forced to falsify statistics while they are overseas — inventing patients and clinic visits — because amplifying their medical missions’ efficacy permits Cuban officials to demand more payment from various host countries. Thaymi Rodríguez, a dentist who was stationed in Venezuela, confesses that she was obligated to see 18 patients a day, but might only see five. As a result, she would have to throw away leftover medicine, “because we simply had to,” expressing how painful it was to throw away medicine in countries where it is so greatly needed.

These abuses revealed by Cuban doctors, coerced into participating in the state’s medical missions, highlight the Cuban regime’s exportation of corruption and exploitation abroad.

As for the education system, sources contend that Fidel Castro did not help Cuban citizens achieve literacy. Cuba already had near-universal education and high literacy rates prior to the revolution in 1959. In addition, according to data collected by Carmelo Mesa-Lago, a professor emeritus of Pittsburgh University and expert on Cuba, the economic crisis of the 1990s — which caused the economy to plummet by 35% — resulted in the deterioration of the education system. Cuba’s education system has yet to recover, and education indicators remain below 1989 levels.

In addition, low wages and lack of incentives prompt teachers to emigrate or abandon their professions for more lucrative opportunities. Educators’ salaries are insufficient to maintain an adequate quality of life, and serve to reinforce an educational system that is deeply flawed and unjust. The Cuban regime controls the education sector to promote a revolutionary psychology that in turn sustains the socialist state. As Fidel Castro once said: “The universities are only available to those who share my revolutionary beliefs.”

Case Studies

As has been made clear, Cuba is not a democratic country where there is independence and separation of powers. Under this type of regime, there is no guarantee of independence in the administration of justice which will be highlighted through the following case studies.

Oswaldo Payá and Ángel Carromero

On July 22, 2012, Oswaldo Payá and his young associate, Harold Cepero, died in a car crash in eastern Cuba. The circumstances of the crash are still in dispute and cannot be determined without an independent investigation.

Mr. Payá was one of Cuba’s most celebrated human rights activists and dissidents, championing peace and civil liberties, and was a recipient of the 2002 Sakharov Prize, which is awarded to an individual who fights for human rights and fundamental freedoms. He was the founder and leader of the Varela Project, a petition drive calling for a referendum in which Cubans would decide on legal reforms to guarantee freedom of speech and assembly, among other fundamental rights. Formally, the Cuban constitution allows citizens to introduce legislative reform if they collect 10,000 citizen signatures, and Oswaldo Payá successfully collected over 11,000.

Despite his peaceful efforts, Mr. Payá endured continuous harassment and intimidation by the regime. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has denounced the Cuban government’s harassment and persecution against civil society groups and human rights defenders since 1962, and noted that “for decades the Cuban State has organized the institutional machinery to silence voices outside the regime, and to repress independent journalists, as well as artists or citizens who try to organize themselves to articulate their demands.”

The government has alleged that the car crash that killed Mr. Payá and Mr. Cepero transpired when the driver, Ángel Carromero, a former youth leader of Spain’s ruling party, lost control of the vehicle and crashed into a tree. They determined that the crash happened because of the speed at which Mr. Carromero was driving, and because of his abrupt braking when the car was on a slippery surface. Mr. Carromero was subsequently convicted of vehicular manslaughter and sentenced to four years in prison. He has since been released to Spain to serve out the remainder of his term.

Cuban dissidents and Mr. Carromero, however, have a different account of those same events that unfolded in 2012. In an interview with The Washington Post, Mr. Carromero asserted that government officials followed his car and rammed into it, resulting in the deaths of Mr. Payá and Mr. Cepero, and in his own loss of consciousness. Once taken to the hospital, Mr. Carromero was surrounded by government officials who ruthlessly dismissed his details of the accident. He was drugged and coerced into signing statements with fabricated, self-incriminating evidence. According to Mr. Carromero, the officers warned him that “depending on what [he] said things could go very well or very badly for [him].”

In addition, his false confession was broadcasted on television under deplorable conditions. He was held incommunicado among cockroaches and other insects, with a toilet that lacked a tank, while water streamed from the roof. These forms of cruel and degrading treatment may amount to torture, and are in standing violation of Articles 18, 25, and 26 of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man (“American Declaration”), and Articles 5, 8, 9, 10, and 11 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”), to which Cuba is bound. The UDHR expressly states that “No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”

The Human Rights Foundation’s legal report on the state-sanctioned and premeditated murder of Mr. Payá extensively documents the cruelty of Cuba’s totalitarian regime to which Mr. Carromero also fell victim.

The Cuban regime systematically violates the due process rights of activists, particularly through trials that are purely symbolic and held to strengthen the regime, as opposed to finding the truth and administering justice. After his arrest, Mr. Carromero did not have access to legal counsel for many weeks, and later, had all of his conversations with his attorney overseen by a Cuban official. According to international human rights law, the right to defense counsel shall not be delayed, and opportunities to consult with a lawyer shall not be intercepted or censored.

In addition, during Mr. Carromero’s trial, his lawyers were prevented from accessing his case file or evidence on which his accusations were grounded. Mr. Payá’s family was never included in the investigation and was barred from attending Mr. Carromero’s trial.

Human Rights Watch has reported that political prisoner trials in Cuba are virtually-closed hearings that last less than an hour. The organization was unable to document a single case under Raúl Castro’s regime wherein a court had acquitted a political detainee. Mr. Carromero’s trial was no exception — the authorities barred the public from attending his trial and only permitted members of the Communist Party of Cuba into the courtroom. The openness of hearings, however, is imperative to assuring public confidence in the integrity of the legal system, as well as in the administration of justice.

Almost eight years later, justice has yet to be secured for Mr. Payá’s family and for Mr. Carromero. While the UDHR guarantees equality before the law, including the right to a fair and public hearing by an impartial tribunal, the Cuban regime continues to abuse its power for political purposes, and, ultimately, to act with impunity.

Ramón Velásquez Toranzo

At a press conference in 2016 with then-President of the United States Barack Obama, Raúl Castro unequivocally denied the presence of any political prisoners in Cuba. Human rights groups, however, continue to document the cases of Cuban dissidents who continue to be persecuted under the Cuban regime.

The Cuba Archives documented at least 500,000 people who have fallen victim to arbitrary detention since January 1, 1959; Ramón Velásquez Toranzo is one of them. On International Human Rights Day in 2006, Mr. Toranzo set out on a “march of dignity” with his wife Bárbara and their daughter, Rufina. While marching, they held signs that read, “respect for human rights,” “freedom for political prisoners,” and “no more repression against the peaceful opposition.” They called for the respect of their civil liberties, which are guaranteed under the UDHR, the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, and formally in the Cuban Constitution, but are ignored by the Cuban regime.

They marched silently, and, at night, slept on curbsides, at bus stops, and in the homes of those who offered shelter. They started in Santiago de Cuba and hoped to walk the entire length of the country, but were stopped and arrested on the outskirts of Holguín. The Cuban government’s rapid response brigade intimidated them with metal rods and threatened to rape Bárbara and Rufina. Four days later, when Mr. Toranzo was released from prison, they continued marching. State forces, however, continued to torment them by trying to run them over with cars.

They reached Camagüey — over 185 miles from where they began their march — on January 19, 2006, and were arrested again. After being detained for four more days, Mr. Toranzo was taken to a municipal court, where he was charged with “dangerousness,” subjected to a closed trial, and sentenced to three years in prison. Cuba’s “dangerousness” law permits Cuban authorities to incarcerate citizens prior to having committed any crime. Their imprisonment is based on suspicion that they might commit crimes in the future.

A former high-ranking judge revealed that legal cases against dissidents are managed by state security forces, and that judges often acquiesce to fabricated evidence. In Mr. Toranzo’s case, the regime’s evidence against him entailed “official warnings” for being unemployed; these warnings were presented while Mr. Toranzo was marching, and as a result, had never been seen by him. Furthermore, during Mr. Toranzo’s trial — which lasted less than an hour — the presiding judge called a recess to confront Mr. Toranzo’s legal counsel. Upon returning, Mr. Toranzo’s legal counsel stopped defending him and remained silent for the remainder of the trial.

The American Declaration expressly states that every person has the right to a fair trial, the right to protection from arbitrary arrest, and the right to due process of law. No one can be subjected to “cruel, infamous or unusual punishment.” After Mr. Toranzo’s sentencing, and in flagrant violation of his rights, he was stripped down to his underwear and detained in solitary confinement without a bed and in a cell that was flooded with water.

The Cuban regime not only torments political prisoners, but also preys on their family members. After Mr. Toranzo’s arrest, “Death to the worms of house 58” (his address) was spray-painted on a bus stop close to his home. This dehumanizing terminology, targeting political prisoners and their families, is common practice.

The regime also assigned a man near Mr. Toranzo’s home to follow the family. Cuban officials demanded that Rufina’s friends report on her activities, and the constant surveillance eventually led her to flee to the United States. Likewise, her brother René, reported monitoring by the state and noted that Cuban officials questioned everyone he interacted with.

The case of Mr. Toranzo is a looking glass into Cuba’s repressive government — a regime that is unrelenting in its abuse of power and denial of fundamental rights and freedoms.

Conclusion

Although Cuba’s constitutional referendum might have been propagandized as progress toward a more open society, President Díaz-Canel continues to implement the Castros’ dangerous, and sometimes deadly, tactics. The cases of Oswaldo Payá and Ramón Velásquez Toranzo are only two examples of the Cuban regime’s exploitation of justice.

In 2019, Cuban opposition members were consistently arbitrarily arrested, imprisoned, and tortured. There were reports of several cases of prisoners of conscience who were targeted for their peaceful beliefs, and the NGO Cuban Prisoners Defenders reported a minimum of 71 people who were incarcerated on political charges.

The real figures are likely to be higher, but the Cuban government prevents independent groups from entering the country to report on the human rights situation. In addition, the government’s censorship and state-controlled media silence Cubans who oppose the regime, continuing to cover up the government’s corruption and criminality. The state’s lack of transparency further entrenches the government’s totalitarian dictatorship, where even the most peaceful protesters are punished for calling for what they are owed: civil liberties and fundamental freedoms.

At the same time, Cuban artists, journalists, lawyers, and members of the opposition continue to languish in the Cuban gulags. We must speak up on their behalf and continue to echo their calls for freedom and the rule of law. While the Cuban regime continues to avoid accountability for its heinous crimes, we must end its culture of impunity by standing up for human rights and calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Cuba’s courageous human rights defenders.

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 ‘Absolute Control’: Cuba Steps Up Artistic Censorship

New leader toughens rules as a generation of artists and performers gain more independence from the communist government

Cuban painter Italo Expósito, left, who opens his Havana house and studio on Saturdays to a group of young, deaf artists, recently had his artist’s license revoked. Diego Muñoz

HAVANA—Security officers recently fined Cuban painter Italo Expósito $120 and revoked his artist’s license for opening his house to an independent art festival.

As a result he’ll be banned from selling works from the paintings-and-sculpture-filled house in Havana’s stylish Vedado district that was once his grandfather's shoe-repair shop. And Mr. Expósito will no longer be able to host young, deaf artists at his Saturday workshops.

Cuban government efforts to be the sole arbiter of what is and isn’t art is about to get tougher.

A decree tightening control over artistic expression that President Miguel Díaz-Canel signed after taking office in April is among the first signs that Cuba’s first leader not named Castro since the 1959 revolution won’t waiver from the iron-fisted, one-party rule of his predecessors.

“The decree aims for absolute control, you can’t exhibit your work anywhere without prior authorization,” said Mr. Expósito, a lanky, long-haired 40-year old painter.

Decree 349 is part of a broad crackdown on artistic freedom in recent months aimed at a young generation of musicians and artists who have achieved financial independence from Cuba’s communist government. They now demand more artistic freedom as well. Many artists now sell their works at the private galleries that have proliferated in Havana amid rising demand from foreign art collectors. Musicians collect money from concert ticket sales.

The government’s move comes as the end of oil subsidies from Venezuela and President Trump’s freeze of​President Obama’s detente with Cuba squeezes its economy. Basic goods such as flour and eggs are scarce, Havana residents say. Cuba’s decree on art is a response to growing demands for autonomy from an emerging middle class.

In recent weeks, Cuban authorities have banned concerts by performers who address taboo subjects like racial discrimination. They have detained dissident artists who have staged protests against the decree. Among those targeted are visual artists and underground reggaeton and hip hop musicians.


Decree 349 was set to take effect this month when authorities said they would hold off and soften some of more controversial provisions following a backlash that included a letter of protest signed by 250 artists, some of whom met with senior Culture Ministry officials. Even artists close to the regime spoke out. “Decree 349 was something that was put before our president for him to sign, without discussing it with artists,” Silvio Rodríguez, a renowned folk singer wrote on his blog in early December.

But few expect many changes to the art decree. After the government delayed it and other rules to restrict entrepreneurship, Mr. Díaz-Canel cautioned on Twitter this month not to “confuse them with weakness when we are listening to the people.”

Ernesto Hernández Busto, a Cuban writer who is exiled in Spain, said authorities will censor art as they see fit no matter what form the new decree takes. “Censorship existed, it exists now and will continue to exist,” he said. “The purpose of the decree is to regulate a new world: private businesses, art galleries, people working from their homes. The alarm went off because it is a sector that is not under state control.”

The office of Cuba’s Culture Minister Alpidio Alonso didn’t return calls seeking comment.

The revolutionary regime’s relationship with artists, and especially Cuba’s writers, has always been fraught. In 1961 Fidel Castro established his bedrock policy on art, censorship and freedom of speech. “Within the revolution, everything; outside of it, nothing,” Mr. Castro told intellectuals and artists.

A notorious clash took place in 1971 when poet Heberto Padilla was imprisoned after his book “Out of the Game” was deemed anti-revolutionary. Mr. Padilla was freed after 37 days in prison when he made a Stalinist-like statement of self-criticism. The affair led to the Castro regime’s break with leading intellectuals such as Nobel laureate Mario Vargas Llosa, a Peruvian.

In recent years, many Cuban artists and performers have become members of a new aristocracy, able to earn hard currency and travel off-island at will.

Still, they are subject to strict censorship. In 2016, Cuban graffiti artist El Sexto was jailed for two months for writing “Se fué,” or “He left,” on the wall of the landmark Havana Libre hotel on the day Mr. Castro died.

Now, Decree 349 would take censorship to a new level. The law bans the exhibition and sale of artworks and music shows not authorized by the state. Performing artists will need a government license. State inspectors will verify that artwork, exhibits and concerts comply with regulations on national symbols such as the Cuban flag. Inspectors will be empowered to cancel shows and revoke licenses.

The decree also targets vulgarity, obscenity or sexually explicit lyrics in pop songs, singling out reggaeton music. The “abusive use” of electronic media or audio equipment can result in fines and the confiscation of equipment and studios.

Performance artist Luis Manuel Otero was detained by state security agents on public disorder charges after he sought to cover himself with his own excrement in Havana earlier this year to protest a new art-censorship law.

Photo: Santiago Pérez/The Wall Street Journal

The decree has sparked several protests in recent months. Performance artist Luis Manuel Otero attempted in July to cover himself with his own excrement in front of the emblematic Capitolio—the domed building housing the Communist legislature. He said he was detained for two days.

“In Cuban prisons, when inmates don’t want guards to touch them, they cover themselves with excrement,” Mr. Otero said.

Tania Bruguera, who now has an installation on display at London’s Tate Modern, and a group of fellow artists were detained before staging a protest in front of Cuba’s Culture Ministry this month. In a statement on her Facebook page, Ms. Bruguera said she has been harassed and under constant surveillance by authorities.

A group of artists organized a soccer tournament in Havana to keep up the pressure against the decree.

“Since they won’t let us do anything, we’ll just play soccer on Sunday,” said Cuban writer Carlos Manuel Álvarez.

Artists fear that modifications to the decree will be cosmetic and that its totalitarian spirit will prevail, said Abel Gónzalez, the Cuban curator who wrote the protest letter signed by 250 artists.

“They would be able to go after you over business violations, removing political connotations,” he said.

Earlier this month, the organizers of the Eyeife electronic music festival were told by authorities that the hip-hop duo La Alianza won’t be allowed to perform. No further explanation was given, said Mauricio Abad, the festival’s artistic director. His team decided to proceed with the festival after months of hard work.

“The guys from La Alianza told me, don’t get in trouble because of us,” Mr. Abad said, adding that state curbs are ultimately counterproductive because “those who are censored become public figures.”

La Alianza’s singers, who go by the names Navy and Nene 9mm, believe the censorship is linked to the advocacy in their songs’ lyrics.

“We generate discomfort because we talk about hidden realities, such as racial discrimination,” said the artist known as Navy. “It is a subject that is known to exist, but it is not openly discussed.”

 A hip-hop duo, Alianza, performed recently in Havana. The men, whose stage names are Navy, left, and Nene 9mm, sing about social issues like racial discrimination.
Photo: Rodrigo Feijóo 
 


 As Criminalization of the Arts Intensifies in Cuba, Activists Organize

A Cuban decree seeks to censor artists to an unprecedented level, essentially regulating any and all artistic and cultural activity in the country.


Cuban artists are approaching a moment of reckoning as the country’s government takes a firm legal stance on “vulgar” audio and visual displays in the Republic. On April 20, newly instated president Miguel Díaz-Canel signed a proposal for a new regulation, Decree 349, surrounding artistic freedom and institutional censorship in the Republic. The vague parameters of the decree essentially regulate any and all artistic and cultural activity in Cuba.

A group of Cuban visual artists and curators have taken a vehement stand against the government’s criminalization of the arts through a series of protests, performances, and even a rogue biennial. Their actions have amounted in a number of artists’ arrests.

Among those organizing are Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, Yanelyz Nuñez Leyva, Amaury Pacheco, Iris Ruiz, Soandry Del Rio, and José Ernesto Alonso, utilizing the rallying cries #NOALDECRETOLEY349 (#NOTODECREELAW349) and #artelibre (#freeart) across social media to spread awareness. Núñez Leyva, a curator and art critic, told Hyperallergic in an email interview that she and the aforementioned artists have started formulating a legal demand against the decree, processed with the help of Laritza Diverset, a lawyer and founder of human rights organization Cubalex. They have been working in hopes of securing a meeting with the Council of State and Ministers.

 


 What Does Decree 349 Mean for Artists in Cuba?

The Decree 349 ruling is backed by legislation that is hard to work around, allowing governments to shut down concerts, performances, galleries, and art and book sales if they do not comply with the strict list of prohibited subject matter. It also restricts artists from commercializing their work without government approval. The decree was published in Gaceta de Cuba on July 10 and is slated to go into effect on December 1 of this year.

The 1976 Constitution of the Republic of Cuba includes the phrase, “artistic creativity is free as long as its content is not contrary to the Revolution.” The institution of Decree 349 puts a severe limitation on this definition of contrarian.

The decree essentially grants the Cuban Republic complete control over independent artistic production in the private sector. Banned content includes:

a) use of national symbols that contravene current legislation; b) pornography; c) violence; d) sexist, vulgar and obscene language; e) discrimination due to skin color, gender, sexual orientation, disability and any other harm to human dignity; f) that attempts against the development of childhood and adolescence; g) any other that violates the legal provisions that regulate the normal development of our society in cultural matters.

All performances, public or private, need to be contracted by the government, and any artistic expression without adequate contracting (or found violating their contract, including getting too loud) are subject to penalizations including getting fined and “confiscation of instruments, equipment, accessories and other assets.” This legislation is to be carried out by inspectors appointed by the Cuban Ministry of Culture.

Yanelys Núñez Leyva told Hyperallergic in an email (translated from Spanish):

I think that the Cuban government knows that it is in a moment of total vulnerability … So they turn their repressive actions toward the cultural circuit that has been empowered independently, that does not need the institutions to survive and that does not believe [its] hegemonic ideology.

She says artists have historically been leaders of change, but “with access to the internet, the change in president, the deep economic crisis, the support of independent journalism, the collaboration between artists, [and more] have converted it into an even greater threat.”

Artists Respond 

Artists have been on their toes since the cancellation of the 13th Havana Biennial. Following Hurricane Irma in 2016, the government postponed the biennial, and earlier this year it announced the biennial would be delayed for a second time — this time indefinitely. In protest, artists including the well-known Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara took to social media for a call to protest the decision and organized an alternative #00 Havana Biennial. The Havana Times reported that the Ministry of Culture targeted Cuban participants, threatening to revoke their accreditation to operate as independent artists in the country. Organizers were accused of “distorting Cuba’s cultural policies.”

According to a July statement made to Cuban officials by artists Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, Yanelys Nuñez Leyva, Iris Ruiz, Amaury Pacheco, and Tania Bruguera, the #00 Biennial’s promotional materials and artwork were confiscated, organizer’s cell phones were tapped, international artists’ were made ineligible to enter the country with their artworks being withheld in airport customs, and arrests were being made against artists and activists involved.

Since the statement was released, Cuban artists have worked tirelessly in opposition to the decree and the constraints it has set on Cuban artistry. Artists organized a protest performance on July 21, where they intended to cover themselves in human excrement in front of the Cuban Capitol as a symbol of artists’ treatment by the Cuban government.

Before the performance was set to begin, 14ymedio reports Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, Amaury Pacheco, Iris Ruiz, Soandry Del Rio, and José Ernesto Alonso were arrested by Cuban police officials near the performance site. They were charged with public disorder and detained in Vivac, a detention center in Calabazar, south of Havana. Nuñez Leyva went to assist, and when she arrived and saw the participating artists had been arrested, she chose to carry out the performance herself. During the protest she called out, “We are artists, we want respect, we ask to meet with the Minister of Culture.”

Ruiz was the first to be released, followed soon after by the other detainees, though Otero Alcántara was held for an additional two days. “I was beaten from the Capitol to the unit and they told me I have to respect the police. They beat me as if they wanted to break my spine,” said Otero Alcántara in a conversation with 14ymedio hours after his release.

They are not the only artists who have come under direct legal fire since the decree was passed. Iris Ruiz told Hyperallergic in an email that artist Gorky Águila, leader of the punk rock band Porno para Ricardo, was confronted by state security and the police, who confiscated his home recording studio equipment used to perform his alternative radio show Cambio de Bola.

Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara told Hyperallergic:

Art has always been persecuted or used in all systems, both dictatorial and democratic, because for the most part it is the echo of the sufferings and ills of societies, it serves as the denouncement or visibility of them.

… For government systems, it is impossible to control art, because it is capable of being born of the most unexpected places and situations. In these moments of such fragility and therefore repression, art is a very powerful weapon and the system knows it.

https://hyperallergic.com 


Cuba: Fidel Castro’s Record of Repression

Misguided US Embargo Provided Pretext for Abuse

(Washington, DC) – During his nearly five decades of rule in Cuba, Fidel Castro built a repressive system that punished virtually all forms of dissent, a dark legacy that lives on even after his death.


During Castro’s rule, thousands of Cubans were incarcerated in abysmal prisons, thousands more were harassed and intimidated, and entire generations were denied basic political freedoms. Cuba made improvements in health and education, though many of these gains were undermined by extended periods of economic hardship and by repressive policies.

“As other countries in the region turned away from authoritarian rule, only Fidel Castro’s Cuba continued to repress virtually all civil and political rights,” said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. “Castro’s draconian rule and the harsh punishments he meted out to dissidents kept his repressive system rooted firmly in place for decades.”

The repression was codified in law and enforced by security forces, groups of civilian sympathizers tied to the state, and a judiciary that lacked independence. Such abusive practices generated a pervasive climate of fear in Cuba, which hindered the exercise of fundamental rights, and pressured Cubans to show their allegiance to the state while discouraging criticism.
 
Raúl Castro speaks at a rally in Camagüey, Cuba, in July 2007, a year after being handed power by his ailing brother, Fidel Castro (depicted in the bas-relief in the foreground). © 2007 Jose Goitia/The New York Times/Redux Pictures
Many of the abusive tactics developed during his time in power – including surveillance, beatings, arbitrary detention, and public acts of repudiation – are still used by the Cuban government.

Castro came to power in 1959 after leading a revolution that toppled the corrupt and abusive government of Fulgencio Batista. He ruled by decree until 1976, when a new constitution – whose drafting he oversaw – reformed the structure of the government. From that time until he transferred power to his brother Raúl in July 2006, Fidel Castro held all three of the most powerful positions in Cuba’s government: president of the Council of State, president of the Council of Ministers, and first secretary of the Cuban Communist Party. Fidel Castro did not officially relinquish his title as president of the councils of state and ministers until February 2008, and stepped down as first secretary on April 19, 2011.

Cuba made important advances under Castro in the progressive realization of some economic, social, and cultural rights such as education and healthcare. For example, UNESCO has concluded that there is near-universal literacy on the island, and the country either met the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that the UN established in 2000, or came close by the 2015 deadline.

The progress on economic, social, and cultural rights was never matched in terms of respect for civil and political rights. The denial of fundamental freedoms throughout Castro’s decades in power was unrelenting, and marked by periods of heightened repression, such as the 2003 crackdown on 75 human rights defenders, journalists, trade unionists, and other critics of the government. Accused of being “mercenaries” of the United States government, the individuals were summarily tried in closed hearings. Many served years in inhumane prisons, where they were subjected to extended solitary confinement and beatings, and denied basic medical care for serious ailments. More than 50 of the remaining prisoners were released after Fidel Castro handed over power to his brother, most on the condition that they accept exile to Spain.


Under Fidel Castro, the Cuban government refused to recognize the legitimacy of Cuban human rights organizations, alternative political parties, independent labor unions, or a free press. He also denied international monitors such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and international nongovernmental organizations like Human Rights Watch access to the island to investigate human rights conditions.

Efforts by the US government during Castro’s rule to press for change in Cuba repeatedly failed. In the 1960s, those efforts took the form of covert military action to unseat Castro, including the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, and multiple botched assassination attempts. President Dwight Eisenhower established the embargo in 1960, which was later expanded by President John F Kennedy and eventually locked in place by the 1996 Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act. Also known as “Helms-Burton,” the law prohibits the US president from lifting trade restrictions until Cuba has legalized political activity and made a commitment to free and fair elections. It also prohibits lifting the embargo as long as Fidel or Raúl Castro remains in office.

The embargo imposed indiscriminate hardship on the Cuban population as a whole, and has done nothing to improve the situation of human rights in Cuba. Rather than isolating Cuba, the policy isolated the US. Castro proved especially adept at using the embargo to garner sympathy abroad, while at the same time exploiting it as a pretext to repress legitimate efforts to reform Cuba from within, dismissing them as US-driven and -funded initiatives.

In December 2014, President Barack Obama began a long-overdue shift in US policy, announcing that the US would normalize diplomatic relations with Cuba and ease restrictions on travel and commerce, calling on Congress to consider lifting the embargo. In exchange, the government of Raúl Castro granted conditional release to the 53 political prisoners that it had been holding for between two months and two years.

Nevertheless, the Orwellian laws that allowed their imprisonment – and the imprisonment of thousands before them – remain on the books, and the Cuban government continues to repress individuals and groups who criticize the government or call for basic human rights. Arbitrary arrests and short-term detention routinely prevent human rights defenders, independent journalists, and others from gathering or moving freely. Detention is often used pre-emptively to prevent people from participating in peaceful marches or political meetings.

The two governments restored diplomatic relations in July 2015. In March, President Obama visited Cuba, where he met with President Raúl Castro, as well as with representatives of Cuban civil society. Obama gave a nationally televised address and joint press conference with Castro in which he urged the Cuban government to lift restrictions on political freedoms and reiterated his call for the US Congress to end the economic embargo of the island.

“For decades, Fidel Castro was the chief beneficiary of a misguided US policy that allowed him to play the victim and discouraged other governments from condemning his repressive policies,” Vivanco said. “While the embargo remains in place, the Obama administration’s policy of engagement has changed the equation, depriving the Cuban government of its main pretext for repressing dissent on the island.”

https://www.hrw.org


 

Cuban government intimidates art 
curator Claudia Genlui with private
 photos posted under her door
 

 

The art curator Claudia Genlui Hidalgo, partner of the artist 
Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, was threatened by State Security, 
who left her an envelope with intimate photos under
 the door of her house.
 
"Today, September 23, I want to denounce the latest violation that 
I have suffered by the Cuban State Security," 
Genlui said on the social network 
Facebook.
The young woman said that on the night of September 21, 
a yellow sealed 
envelope with her name was thrown under the door of her house, 
which contained 15 personal photos that had been sent 
by WhatsApp to Otero Alcántara when he was out of the country
 in January 2019, 
and that they were part of an intimate conversation (cyber sex).
"They are obviously trying to intimidate us (remember that Otero 
was recently the victim of the same discrediting maneuver)," he said.
 
"I want something to be very clear: I, Claudia Genlui, am
 a free human being 
and my sexual preferences or those of my partner are part of our 
privacy. 
Nothing and no one has the right to invade it," he added.
 
The art curator accused the Cuban government of violating our most
 basic rights (freedom of expression, freedom of movement, freedom 
of artistic expression, etc.), and of its homophobic and 
invasive attitude, 
its manipulations and threats "carried out in the most possible coward, 
always from the contempt and dirt that characterizes these 
"anonymous identities".
 
"I confess my concern not only about the lack of legal protection that 
all human rights activists in Cuba have, but also about the actions 
that the government is carrying out to neutralize (supposedly)
 our reach in society 
and that have repercussions on our families, friends and 
co-workers whether 
or not they are related to our ideals ... I hold the Cuban government 
responsible
 for any physical or psychological damage that these close beings 
may suffer,
"he said.
Genlui declared she was outraged and made public her current 
condition 
of presenting severe psychological damage due to the harassment 
and pressure 
to which she has been subjected by the Cuban State Security in 
recent times.
 
"I am a woman who feels violated in every possible sense and helpless
 before a dictatorial regime that manipulates and submits us," she said.
 
"The contempt and disgust at such ways of proceeding by the 
Cuban dictatorship 
to" discredit "the artists, journalists and activists who are fighting to 
achieve real change for Cuba is despicable," Genliu said.
 
Both Claudia Genlui and her partner Luis Manuel Otero have been 
heavily 
harassed by the island's government in recent times.
 
Recently, State Security hacked the page of the San Isidro Movement
 (MSI)
on Facebook and published private images of the artist 
Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara 
on the Internet.
For his part, Otero Alcántara said of this event: "For me sexuality,
 morality, intimacy,
 are tools of my work, and more than tools of my work they are tools 
of my activism. 
They are exercises that I will not let they have that weapon 
to blackmail me. "
 
"The regime must ensure security, for the culture where citizens 
can learn and abandon homophobia and abandon racism. Instead 
of working 
to eliminate homophobia, it encourages and uses it as a smear 
tool and a tool 
to attack activists, "he said.

 

 

Reported by Cibercuba and translated by Lighthouse Publisher Press team.

 

 

Cuban Authorities Detained Artist Tania Bruguera While She Was on Her Way to a Protest Against Police Violence in Havana

Bruguera was one of at least 40 dissident artists and activists taken into custody by Cuban authorities prior to the event.

Tania Bruguera in Havana, on December 31, 2014. Photo courtesy Adalberto Roque/AFP/Getty Images.
Tania Bruguera in Havana, in 2014. Courtesy Adalberto Roque/AFP/Getty Images.

Cuban authorities detained Tania Bruguera yesterday while the artist and activist was on her way to a peaceful protest against police brutality in Havana. 

Bruguera, who has been detained numerous times for speaking out against Cuba’s authoritarian regime and its censorship of the arts, spent 10 hours in jail before being released.

Updates were posted to Bruguera’s Facebook page, reportedly written by her sister, explaining that police or military personnel dressed as civilians took hold of the artist outside of her house. The posts were accompanied by a screenshot of a text message from Bruguera that read, “they are taking me.”

The day prior to her arrest, Bruguera shared a video on Facebook discussing her plans to participate in the protest.

The artist did not respond to a request for comment.

REPRESION #30JunioCubaTania Bruguera ha sido llevada (aún no sabemos si por militares o policías vestidos de civiles…

Posted by Tania Bruguera on Tuesday, June 30, 2020

“When an artist who uses her voice to call for justice and social change finds herself arbitrarily detained on her own doorstep, it is obvious that a serious injustice has occurred,” wrote Julie Trébault, director of the Artists at Risk Connection program at PEN America, in a statement. “Bruguera’s arrest is just one more iteration in the Cuban government’s efforts to exert a vice-like grip over the cultural sector.”

Bruguera was one of dozens of prominent demonstrators taken into custody before the event, according to human rights nonprofit Cubalex. Others include artists Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Anamely Ramos González, and activist José Daniel Ferrer.

#YoMañanaVoyAEstar/11:00 a.m.- Cine Yara¡RESPONSABILIZO AL GOBIERNO CUBANO! de cualquier evento que pueda suceder…

Posted by Tania Bruguera on Monday, June 29, 2020

The protesters were detained prior to an event scheduled as a response to the death of Hansel Ernesto Hernández Galiano, a 27-year-old unarmed Black man killed by state police in the capital city last week. News of Hernández Galiano’s death sparked outrage on social media after the victim’s aunt posted pictures of his dead body.

For three days, the Cuban government did not publicly acknowledge the incident. On Saturday, the country’s interior ministry issued a statement saying that Hernández Galiano was running from police after allegedly stealing items from a bus stop. After two warning shots, an officer fired at Hernández Galiano, not intending to kill. 


https://news.artnet.com/

 

Cuban Artists Fear Censorship with New Law


Painter Roberto Loeje shows his work at his studio in Havana, Cuba, September 14, 2018. Picture taken on September 14, 2018. (REUTERS/Alexandre Meneghini)

by VOA
 Artist Marco Castillo speaks during an interview at his studio in Havana, Cuba, September 12, 2018. Picture taken on September 12, 2018. REUTERS/Alexandre Meneghini
Artist Vivian Rodriguez sits at home where she displays her work, in Havana, Cuba, September 13, 2018. Picture taken on September 13, 2018. REUTERS/Alexandre Meneghini

Words in This Story

livelihood - n. a way of earning money in order to live

ideology - n. the set of ideas and beliefs of a group or political party

persecute - v. to treat someone unfairly especially because of race or religious or political beliefs

crack down - v. to control or put limit on someone or something

https://learningenglish.voanews.com

 

 

Cuban Artists Rise Up

While Cuba’s constitutional reform could help democratize the country, a new recently-enacted decree could lead to increased governmental censorship and repression in the arts.




Decree 349 protests in Havana. Photo by Coco Fusco.




During his time as president, Raúl Castro announced a series of reforms. One of these was to overhaul Cuba’s 1976 constitution, which was drafted at the height of Cuban socialism and has long been out of sync with the country’s post-Soviet reality. In July, Cuba’s National Assembly unveiled a proposed version for  the new constitution. This draft will undergo a process of public debate throughout the fall and should be ratified in February 2019.

The constitutional reform has intensified debates on the island about rights, citizenship, and the new economy. This essay forms part of a running forum NACLA is hosting to offer a range of views on this crucial process at a critical moment in Cuban history. Read part one of the forum here

While not strictly about the new constitution, Coco Fusco’s timely essay delves into closely related questions of governance and legal reform, addressing a controversial new decree to regulate the arts and freedom of expression.

Michelle Chase

The recently announced constitutional reform process in Cuba includes unprecedented proposals that have attracted international attention. At the same time, the Cuban government is continuing its standard procedures for generating new laws. Among the many decrees that appeared in the Cuban Ministry of Justice's Gaceta Oficial on July 10, 2018 is Decree 349, which targets the island’s artistic community. Signed by President Miguel Díaz-Canel this April, the decree arises from closed-door discussions between the Council of Ministers and the Ministry of Culture. The laws it details are slated to go into effect in December 2018. This comes at the same time as the appointment of a new Minister of Culture, Alpidio Batista Alonso Grau, whose last job was in the Ideology Department of the Central Committee of the Cuban Communist Party.

Although the foreign press is heralding a more liberal era because the new constitution legalizes gay marriage and eliminates the word “communism” from the new constitution, for many in Cuba, these changes signal that a more hardline approach to culture has returned to the island.  

The decree outlines a series of restrictions and punitive measures to be imposed on artists, filmmakers, musicians, performers, and writers who operate without authorization from the Cultural Ministry, as well as for proprietors that offer venue space to artists who seek to present their work without this permission. Decree #349 has generated an outpouring of protests from arts professionals inside and outside the island. On August 24, Amnesty International issued a statement of concern about the arbitrary detentions of artists engaged in protests against the decree in Cuba. Such widespread protests in the artistic community have not been seen since the “Email War” of 2007, when scores of Cuban intellectuals spoke out on the Internet against the reappearance of Luis Pavón Tamayo—a former director of the National Council of Culture and leading Cuban censor—in the Cuban media.

Decree 349 focuses on artistic activities that emanate from Cuba's growing independent cultural sector. It criminalizes the public presentation and commercialization of art, music, performances, and publications carried out without prior authorization of the Ministry of Culture. It transforms a burgeoning cottage industry of apartment-art galleries—workshops, recording studios, and private clubs all housed in private homes— into sites of potential liability. While much of the language of the decree focuses on the illegality of pornographic, violent, and discriminatory content as well as unacceptable noise levels, the most vague and politically-charged punishable category refers to “contents that are damaging to ethical and cultural values.” That rhetoric comes close to the terms used in the Cuban penal code to describe “social dangerousness” (peligrosidad predilectiva) as behavior that contradicts “socialist morality,” language that  has been used to entrap artists that manifest attitudes critical of their government.

The decree limits the ways that artists can appeal decisions made against them, leaving them without any access to independent arbiters in the event of a dispute.Decree 349 will also empower a new cadre of roving state agents to shut down events, confiscate artists’ equipment and property, impose heavy fines, and make arrests if they determine that the cultural activities merit sanction. The decree limits the ways that artists can appeal decisions made against them, leaving them without any access to independent arbiters in the event of a dispute. Fines for infringements start at 1,000 Cuban pesos, which amounts to about $40 USD, or 1.5 months of salary for the average Cuban worker. The greatest risk, however, is that artist's equipment and even homes can be seized  as a punishment. Many of those who are targeted by the decree have struggled for years to secure funds for equipment they use to record or perform, and that equipment is what ensures that they can eek out a decent living in a very fragile economy.

While Decree 349 doesn’t explicitly state which musical forms are likely to be punished, the language of the decree, with its many references to unsavory lyrics, high volume, unlicensed performers, and privately owned performance venues, makes it quite apparent that reggaeton musicians and rappers will take disproportionate heat. In recent years, many Cuban officials have decried the influence of reggaeton, which has displaced other popular Cuban dance music such as Timba. Just a few months ago, the former Minister of Culture Abel Prieto openly attacked reggaeton and other popular culture available through the paquetes of pirated media that circulate Cuba, calling them "chatarra" (junk) and a threat to the revolution's values. While the state-run Cuban music industry does not support reggaeton and rap, the genres are wildly popular among Cuban youth. Cuban rappers and reguetoneros are also for the most part self-taught, Black, and from humble origins. Their music speaks to the experience of a disenfranchised and frustrated underclass that the Cuban government is keen to keep in check to avoid large scale social unrest.

Moreover, many opponents to the decree on the island have pointed out that their professional success in the independent cultural sector has made it possible for them to support their families—and that in most cases they do not have relatives abroad who can send them remittances or properties that they can convert into tourist-oriented businesses.

Since the publication of Decree 349 in July, several artists in Cuba have staged performative protests in the street and online. In early August, artists Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara, Amaury Pacheco, and musician Soandry Del Rio were arrested during a performance in front of the Capitolio building in Central Havana. On August 11, curator Yanelys Nuñez Lleyva and Otero Alcantara were detained by police to prevent them from hosting a concert in protest of the decree, and more than a dozen musicians were beaten and herded off stage by Cuban police. A small but well-organized group of artists-activists and musicians have produced an informational video and a “No to Decree 349” poster campaign featuring cultural figures from both the diaspora and the island that is circulating on social media. David D. Omni spearheaded the production of a protest song featuring several rappers, and the music video is circulating on the internet. Meanwhile, artist Sandra Ceballos, founding director of Cuba's oldest independent art space, Aglutinadorpublished a letter critical of the decree, calling on more Cuban artists to join an effort against laws that she believes return the arts community to the repressive conditions of the 1960s and ‘70s.

I am a member of a team that posted an open letter to President Díaz-Canel, calling for a meeting between Cuban artists and government officials to reconsider the decree. This letter has to date accumulated 1152 signatures. Last week the artists group, with the assistance of attorney Laritza Diversent from the Cuban human rights organization Cubalex, submitted a formal complaint to the Attorney General, the President of the Popular Power National Assembly, the President of the Commission on Constitutional and Judicial Affairs, and the President of the Council of Ministers.

As of this writing, no government official has responded to the outcry from the arts community beyond the arbitrary detentions of some of the protestors. It would seem that the state views the artists as a security threat: police have told the detainees that Cuban law enforcement is carrying out orders from the Ministry of the Interior's counter-intelligence unit, but that there are no formal charges against them.  In a recently-leaked  memo, Yansert Fraga León, Communications Director for the Ministry of Culture, described the protests as a "provocation"orchestrated by “so-called artists” paid by foreign interest who seek to confuse the country's “true artists.” Fraga León goes on to say that the Ministry of Culture has started a counter-campaign on social media under the hashtag #PorQueHaceFaltael349 (Why 349 Is Needed), housed on the Facebook page of Lillitsy Hernandez Oliva. Cuban state-sponsored blogs such as La Jiribilla have featured ad hominem attacks on the artists who have protested, suggesting that they are not real artists, or that their complaints are hysterical and irrational.

On the other hand, a few artists outside of the activist group have responded creatively to the decree: for example, the theater group El Ciervo Encantado posted a video of the  actress Chela Cuestarriba in kitschy attire, who scrutinizes graffiti with a magnifying glass and then offers a lecture to future Decree 349 inspectors on how to do their job. Artist Lázaro Saavedra has circulated satirical emails among Cuban artists, such as one on August 18 declaring a new Decree, 350, which prohibits any attempt to discredit Decree 349 and offers a "stimulus package" for those who obey Decree 350 that includes access to prostitutes, drugs, illicit business and yacht rides in waters prohibited to Cubans. These notable responses notwithstanding, there is no mass movement against the decree, which activists say is a sign of widespread fear of retribution.

Those outside Cuba may wonder what incentive the government has for clamping down on artists,  that Cuban cultural offerings are a major point of attraction for tourists and that Cuban art remains one of the revolution's few globally recognized success stories. Yet I would argue that the very fact that Cuban art is so successful internationally explains why the state would seek to maintain hegemonic control over its distribution. Artists in Cuba do enjoy liberties and benefits that many others yearn for: they have a professional justification for traveling, working independently, and socializing with foreigners, plus they make their money in hard currency and in many cases are among the most affluent of Cuban citizens.

During the extreme hardship years of the Special Period, artists were among the first Cuban freelancers to be allowed to sell their art for hard currency without a move by the government to entice younger artists to remain in the country when thousands of artists were fleeing. In doing so the state could maintain its claim to being a cultural superpower. In the last decade, the legalization of cell phones, the growth of internet access, the influx of digital media and the elimination of exit visas have worked together to empower Cuban artists, regardless of their pedigrees or political affiliations. Independent artists can now produce and distribute works, fundraise, and travel on their own—allowing them in recent years to be less reliant on powerful bureaucrats and union affiliations to engage in their trade. At the same time, consumption of state-produced Cuban culture and media is on the decline. The Cuban government relies on an influx of foreign capital to stay afloat, but it now has to contend with the political effects of a somewhat mixed economy and the growth of many freelance sectors. Sadly, the state appears to be taking a hard line instead of recognizing the symbolic benefits of a thriving and diverse independent culture.


Coco Fusco is an interdisciplinary artist and writer. She is the author of Dangerous Moves: Performance and Politics in Cuba.  

https://nacla.org/


 

Cuba Fails to Pacify Artists as Backlash Against Censorship Law Builds

As the campaign intensifies against Decree 349, the new federal law that criminalizes independent cultural activity in Cuba, the government has attempted to reassure artists by announcing that it plans to scale back some of the most heavily criticized parts of the legislation.

While the culture ministry has remained largely silent since Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel passed the law in April—one of the first bills signed since he took office—after several protests, arrests, and a growing outcry on social media, vice minister of culture Fernando Rojas spoke out about the controversy last week. In an interview with the Associated Press, Rojas chalked up the backlash to the government’s failure to properly explain the decree to the public. He also said that “artistic creation is not the target” of the law, which was supposed to go into effect on December 7. The government is now informing artists that the decree will not be enforced until new, detailed regulations are finalized.

Rojas clarified that even though the law stipulates that government inspectors can shut down cultural events, ranging from exhibitions to concerts, this would only occur in extreme cases of obscenity, racism, or sexism. The revised decree will also prohibit officials from entering studios, homes, and other venues that aren’t open to the public. He added that it would only be applied in “very clear situations.”

For some, the apparent softening of the law might seem like a small victory. Others see it as a ploy to mollify activists who are attempting to mobilize Cuba’s cultural sector. For Cuban American artist and educator Coco Fusco, who is based in New York and Florida, the Cuban government’s relentless campaign of harassing, threatening, and detaining artists who have been speaking out against the decree does not indicate that it intends to roll back the legislation.

Only last week, the authorities arrested several activists, including artists Tania Bruguera, Amaury Pacheco, and Michel Matos and Bienal de La Habana organizers Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Yanelys Nuñez Leyva, who were planning a sit-in at the ministry of culture in Havana. The police thwarted the protest by detaining most of the activists before they were able to attend.

While the organizers of and participants in the sit-in were all released on Thursday, December 6, two musicians who were taken into custody for publicly opposing the decree at a concert they held in September are still behind bars. 14medio reports that rapper Maykel Castillo Pérez, also known as El Osorbo, was taken to the hospital at Valle Grande prison on Monday because of his deteriorating health. In a statement written last month, the artist claimed that the authorities targeted him because of his activism. Since then, he has been on a hunger strike in protest of his detainment.

In response to the government’s crackdown on the most recent wave of protests against the decree, a petition penned by twenty-three international arts professionals—including Fusco; José Luis Blondet, associate curator of special initiatives at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art; Cuauhtémoc Medina, chief curator at the Museo Universitario Arte Contemporáneo, UNAM; and Jorge Rivas, curator of Spanish colonial art at the Denver Art Museum—and signed by 139 people was launched Sunday. In addition to denouncing the continued detainment of activists opposing the decree, the petition urges the government to reconsider the law and to end its harassment of Cuban citizens.

Addressed to Minister of Culture Alpidio Alonso Grau, Rojas, and president of the National Council of Fine Arts Norma Rodriguez, the document reads: “Nothing positive can come from arresting and detaining artists who seek to engage government officials in a discussion about new laws pertaining to culture, which happens to be a space for discussion. While state officials have claimed publicly that Decree 349 is designed to protect artists, it is already evident through the recent actions of Cuban law enforcement that Decree 349 is being used to punish artists deemed undesirable on political grounds and to instill fear among the rest.”

Fusco told Lauren Cavalli of artforum.com that Rojas also appeared on the televised program The Round Table on Friday alongside Grau; Rafael González Muñoz, president of the Hermanos Saíz Association; and Lesbia Vent Dumois, president of plastic arts at the UNEAC, among others. For Fusco, the segment attempted to pit artists against one another. “It communicated that ‘real’ Cuban artists supported the law because they understand the need to be rid of vulgarity, obscenity, and nonprofessionalism,” Fusco said. “It categorized those who stand against the law as enemies of the state.”

While cultural producers in Cuba are now forced to wait as the government spends the next few weeks making changes to the law, many are prepared to continue fighting the legislation. Despite being arrested twice last week, Bruguera made it clear she will not be intimidated by the government. In an open letter posted on Facebook, the artist announced that she decided to cancel her upcoming trip to India, where she was expected to participate in the Kochi Muziris Biennale, in order to stand with Cuban artists.

She wrote: “At this moment I do not feel comfortable traveling to participate in an international art event when the future of the arts and artists in Cuba is at risk. . . . As an artist I feel my duty today is not to exhibit my work at an international exhibition and further my personal artistic career but to expose the vulnerability of Cuban artists today.”

Various international art institutions and organizations have since voiced their support for artists advocating for artistic freedom in Cuba. Among those who have released statements in solidarity with the activists are the Kochi Muziris Biennale, the Van Abbemuseum in the Netherlands, the Asociación de Arte Útil, and the Whitworth Gallery in Manchester, among others.

https://www.artforum.com


 

Imprisonment of Cuban 'art-ivist' sparks charges of censorship

HAVANA (Reuters) - Dozens of renowned Cuban artists from across the political spectrum are calling for the release of dissident artist and activist Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara who was arrested 10 days ago, decrying this as an outdated act of censorship.

Reuters March 11, 2020 05:10:33 IST
Imprisonment of Cuban 'art-ivist' sparks charges of censorship

HAVANA (Reuters) - Dozens of renowned Cuban artists from across the political spectrum are calling for the release of dissident artist and activist Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara who was arrested 10 days ago, decrying this as an outdated act of censorship.

The 32-year-old, known for his provocative performances criticizing communist authorities, has been put in "preventive prison" awaiting trial on charges of insulting national symbols and damaging property, according to his partner and art curator Claudia Genlui.

The insult charge, which carries a one-year prison sentence, came after the self-described "art-ivist" draped himself in the Cuban flag for a month last year, including in the bathroom, documenting his performance with photos and videos.

Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara has been jailed over his opposition to new rules banning public art that hasn't been sanctioned by the state
Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara has been jailed over his opposition to new rules banning public art that hasn't been sanctioned by the state Credit: VICTOR RAISON

Genlui said she did not know what property he was being accused of damaging but that was a more serious offence carrying a sentence of two to five years. His supporters have called this a trumped-up charge to portray him as a common criminal rather than a victim of censorship.

The Cuban government, which usually does not comment on police activity like the detention of dissidents, did not respond to a request for comment. But one pro-government blogger published a post on the "new hero of the counterrevolution," accusing him of being a U.S.-backed mercenary.

Otero Alcantara has been detained dozens of times at police stations over the past few years but never for more than 72 hours, and he had never been thrown in jail, Genlui said.

While more than 3,000 people including prominent Cuban intellectuals, artists and opposition activists have signed an online petition calling for his release, dozens of public figures have gone on social media to criticize what they call authorities' heavy handed actions.

These include even some staunch defenders of Cuba's 1959 revolution such as folk singer Silvio Rodriguez and painter-sculptor Alexis Leiva "Kcho," who was friendly with late revolutionary leader Fidel Castro.

"We are giving a very sad impression of backwardness, of the Middle Ages," Rodriguez wrote on his blog. "How, in the middle of the 21st century, are we going to put ideological brakes on young artists?"

"Let's stop this now! We do not need it and the future of Cuba is freedom, not censorship," wrote Leiva on Facebook.

(Reporting by Sarah Marsh and Nelson Acosta; Editing by Richard Chang)

This story has not been edited by Firstpost staff and is generated by auto-feed.

https://www.firstpost.com


 

 Threats to Cuban Journalist Possible Revival of “Gag Law”

By El Toque

Abraham Jimenez Enoa, Cuban journalist. Photo: Nuria Lopez Torres

HAVANA TIMES – Cuban journalist Abraham Jimenez Enoa denounced his arbitrary arrest and being stripped, handcuffed and transferred to the State Security Unit known as Villa Marista, on October 1st. Once there, he was interrogated and threatened.

Jimenez collaboration with the US newspaper The Washington Post is the alleged reason for his arrest. The authorities told him it could be a crime of “usurpation of functions” because the newspaper isn’t accredited in Cuba.

Cuban legislation stipulates to justify a person’s arrest, an incident must be reported beforehand linking the detainee to it.

It also recognizes an arrest if made in flagrante at a crime scene. In these cases, a report must be filed immediately after the arrest.

There is no record of Abraham Jimenez reported before or after his arrest. No crime relating to “usurpation” is applicable against the former director of the independent digital publication El Estornudo.

What is usurpation?

The Penal Code recognizes four crimes linked to usurpation. Usurpation of a Political or Military Power (Article 102). This stipulates sanctions for people who illegally take on the command of troops and civil groups or usurp official functions.

The crime of Usurpation (Article 333) sanctions those who illegally occupy or take over a property (building, house or deserted dilapidated tenement) that doesn’t belong to them.

Article 102 and 333 don’t condemn a journalist’s collaboration with foreign media. Neither does article 148 (Usurpation of Official Functions). This one condemns those who impersonate public servants or members of the Armed Revolutionary Forces or Ministry of the Interior.

Usurpation of Legal Capacity (Art. 149) is a crime the Cuban government uses to sanction the work of independent journalists who lack a degree.

International standards of freedom of expression recognize that no degree is needed to be a journalist. However, the Cuban government uses this argument to repress anti-establishment civil journalism.

Nevertheless, Abraham Jimenez has a degree. He graduated in Journalism from Havana University’s Communications Department, in 2012. His collaboration with The Washington Post doesn’t fall under any of the usurpation-related crimes stipulated in the Penal Code.

The gag law was never repealed

Using collaboration with foreign press unaccredited in Cuba to justify repression reminds us that Law 88 is still in force. This is the Protection of Cuba’s National Independence and Economy law, known as the “gag law”. Even more so if this media outlet is linked to the United States

In Article 7.1, this law indicates that: “Any person who with the intent of succeeding in the objectives of the “Helms-Burton” Law, the blockade or the economic war against our people, aimed at breaking the internal order, destabilizing the country and liquidating Cuba’s socialist state and independence, collaborates by any means with foreign radio and television stations, newspapers, magazines or other media outlets commits a crime punishable by a prison sentence of two to five years, or a fine of three thousand quotas, or both.”

“Criminal responsibility in the cases cited in the above paragraph will apply to those who use said media. It does not apply to foreign reporters legally accredited in this county…”

“The prison sentence is three to eight years, or a fine of three to five thousand quotas, or both if the deed described in paragraph 1 is committed in search of profit or by means of a handout, remuneration, reward or promise of an advantage or benefit.”

Beyond the arrest no guarantees or rights as prisoners

Therefore, rather than charge Jimenez with usurpation, they could turn to this other repressive legislation to justify his arrest. However, if the Cuban authorities wanted to repeat another Black Spring, like they unleashed in 2003, and which led to the imprisonment of 75 independent journalists and political opponents (the only time Law 88 was applied) to consider Abraham and other Cuban journalists who collaborate with US press criminals, this wouldn’t justify the unlawful treatment of them once in custody, not that the law provides them with many guarantees anyway.

Being considered a criminal doesn’t include a detainee being arrested or stripped naked for no reason. Things like this turn the “criminal” into a victim and the captors into “thugs”.

Just two weeks ago, during a UN Working Group meeting about Arbitrary Arrests, the Netherlands highlighted its concern regarding the arbitrary arrest of independent journalists, artists and activists in Cuba.

“We are concerned about the frequent reports of harassment, intimidation, restrictions to leave their homes and travel bans that independent journalists, artists and activists are subject to,” said The Netherlands’ representative his speech. He urged the Cuban government to resolve these problems and to respect every citizen’s human rights.

https://havanatimes.org


If this is my last column 

here, it’s because 

I’ve been imprisoned 

in Cuba

Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel speaks during the U.N. General Assembly on Sept. 22.
Oct. 5, 2020 at 1:13 p.m. PDT

HAVANA — As I felt the cold metal of the handcuffs dig into my wrists and tried to adjust my body after being forced to hunch forward, I looked at my shoes and wondered how a government can be so afraid of reality that it tramples with impunity over someone willing to show the world that reality. Shortly before, three state security agents dressed as civilians had strip-searched me and made me face a wall to handcuff me, and now I was being taken in a car to their headquarters for interrogation. One of the agents had his right arm pressing over my body during part of the trip to keep my head down.

I suffered a very serious act of violence on Thursday, but what happened to me was not even the worst of the arbitrary detentions that political dissidents, activists, artists and other independent journalists frequently suffer in Cuba. It is a fact that many fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, press and association, don’t exist in Cuba, because the regime is incapable of coexisting with people who think differently. But the Cuban government not only systematically commits flagrant violations of human rights, it also has the nerve of seeking a seat on the Human Rights Council of the United Nations.

In Cuba, the only journalists authorized by the state to practice the profession are those who decide to do so in the Communist Party media, which is the only party recognized by the state. This is what the constitution dictates. Therefore, the regime has the power to harass and repress journalists who work outside that legal umbrella, in the ecosystem of independent media.

State security is the agency tasked with making our lives difficult, the one in charge of hijacking the reality of Cuba. State security can have your mother fired from her job. State security can summon your father for questioning. State security can write slanderous messages to your pregnant partner. State security can put a neighbor in jail and then question that neighbor just because he’s your friend. State security can detain you at your own home whenever they please. State security can prohibit you from leaving the country. State security can tap your phones and cut off your Internet.

State security can do all this, which is more or less the summary of what it has done to me in recent years, but I say, once again, that I have fared better than other victims.

Now, state security doesn’t want me to write this column. They don’t want me to write what I write here. The accounts of life in Cuba that I publish every month are part of what the Cuban government wants to keep under lock to protect the progressive image that it tries to cultivate worldwide. Part of the essence of totalitarian regimes is to silence the voices that narrate the most subversive aspects of daily life.

That’s why they stripped me, that’s why they handcuffed me, and that’s why they warned me that if I wrote one more column — meaning this one — they would take me to prison. What would be the charge? It doesn’t really matter: State security has been building legal cases against innocent people for more than six decades. If they decide to carry out their threat, they will find a crime and smear me with some interpretation of the law to criminalize my actions.

On the day of my detention, President Miguel Díaz-Canel posted on Twitter a photo of a smiling Fidel Castro, followed by the phrase: “The ridiculous pretense of imposing solutions by force is incompatible with all civilized reason and the essential principles of international law.”

It’s a coherent message, but where was the civility during my arbitrary detention? Where was the respect for international law and my rights during the hours of interrogation? It was all a despotic abuse. I urge the president of Cuba to truly comply with one of the essential principles of international law: Informing is not a crime. If I go to prison for writing this column, those words should be used to hold you accountable. 

Abraham Jiménez Enoa es periodista en Cuba y cofundador de la revista ‘El Estornudo’.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/

 

They threaten to take to the streets of 
Havana if the Cuban regime does not 
release detained 
activists
 
    Present 10/10/2020
 
    CiberCuba Staff
Dozens of Cuban activists threaten to take to the streets of Havana on Saturday if the island's 
regime does not release three artists and one journalist who were arrested 
on Friday and are missing.

  
CiberCuba reporter Iliana Hernández, and the artists 
of the San Isidro Movement
 Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, Anamelis Ramos and Maykel Osorbo,
 were detained by 
the government's political police and their whereabouts are
 still unknown, 
various activists denounced on Facebook.
 
"If they do not release Luisma Libre, Iliana Hernandez, 
Anamelis Ramos and 
Maykel Castillo Pérez, all the more reason: tomorrow everyone 
to the streets !!", 
published the independent journalist Camila Acosta, who has also 
been the 
victim of harassment and repression in the last weeks.
Oscar Casanella, who also opposes the repression in Cuba, 
demanded immediate 
freedom for the prisoners.
Oscar casanella
17 hours ago
Immediate release for Anamely Ramos, Iliana Hernandez, 
Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara 
and Maykel Castillo Pérez (Osorbo). Until when the political repression?
 
For her part, Claudia Genlui, who has even been beaten 
by police officers on several occasions,
 denounced that she is being detained at her home.
 
"I am detained at my house. State security forbids me to go out. 
Without identifying myself they even tell me that if I go out there 
will be consequences. 
What consequences ?? Stop me or drag me away like they did to 
the art curator 
Anamely Ramos ???" on the social network.
 
Claudia Genlui Hidalgo
17 hours ago
I am detained at my house. State security forbids me to go out. Without identifying 
themselves they even tell me that if I go out there will be consequences. 
What consequences? 
Stop me or drag me away like they did to the art curator Anamely Ramos ???

 

Another publication by Hector Luis Valdés Cocho denounces: 
"Three missing artists and a journalist. We demand the immediate 
freedom of the 4. 
One of them (Anamely Ramos) severely beaten by male state security agents. 
The Cuban dictatorship cannot under any circumstances concept to integrate 
the council of human rights of the UN ", expressed.
Then he said that "Tomorrow this will be the color of a brava ant ...", 
referring to the initiative to go out to the streets to demand the release 
of the detainees.
 
Hector Luis Valdés Cocho
17 hours ago
 Tomorrow this will be the color of a brave ant ...
Iliana, Luis Manuel, Anamely and Maykel ... this is for you warriors.
#CubaLlora

 

The opposition Movement San Isidro of Havana is currently facing one of 
the strongest repressive waves in recent months from the Cuban State Security.
 
Since Thursday, several of its activists have denounced harassment, 
violence and that 
the police have besieged the project headquarters in Old Havana.
 
On the afternoon of this Friday Otero Alcántara uploaded a video, 
before being arrested, 
where it is observed how several men prevent Anamely Ramos from approaching 
her home and in the end they beat her and drag her brutally down the street.
 
Both have been missing since then, as has Iliana Hernández, 
who recorded the arrest 
of the artist with her cell phone, who was forcibly taken from his home.
 
 Reported by Cibercuba and translated 
by Lighthouse Publisher Press team.

 

 

Acts of repudiation and arrests mark repressive

Saturday in Havana

The focus of the regime was on several members

of the San Isidro movement, forced to remain in their homes under

the mandate of State Security


María Matienzo Puerto MARIA MATIENZO PUERTODOMINGO, OCTOBER 11, 2020 1:35 PM

Curator

Anamelys Ramos is led by State Security agents (Photo: Screenshot/Facebook)

MIAMI, USA. More than 20 Cuban activists were arrested on Saturday in Havana during various operations carried out by political police.

The

focus of the regime was on several of the members of the San Isidro movement, forced to remain in their homes under the mandate of State Security.

The

police deployment aimed to prevent activists from entering

the home of Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, home of the Museum of Dissent.

Throughout

the day Otero Alcántara, Amaury Pacheco, Iris Ruiz, Anamelys Ramos,

Tania Bruguera, Aminta De Cárdenas, Camila Lobón, Claudia Genlui,

Kirenia Yalit Núñez Pérez, Michel Matos, Gretel Kairus, Iliana Hernández and

Katherine Bisquet Rodríguez were arrested or driven on patrols.

Esteban Rodríguez, Héctor

Luis Valdés Cocho, Alfredo Martínez, Denis Solís and Oscar Casanella were missing for several hours.

CubaNet

journalist Camila Acosta, who spent nearly two hours being held on a police patrol, was also arrested in the Vedado neighborhood.

"I

wasn't even allowed to get to the corner. Two officers, a lieutenant

and a captain, took my phone. They took me to La Lisa police station,

they didn't even get me into the police station. They wouldn't let me out of the patrol

at any time. They kept me in detention, very hot," the reporter said shortly after she was released.

One

of the most harassed by the regime over the last few days

has been curator Anamelys Ramos. The young woman, who had already been arrested on Friday,

was the victim of an act of repudiation in front of the building

where she resides.

"The

street is from the Revolution and you can't get out," one of the women who located the property shouted to keep the artist from leaving her house.

This

Saturday, amid the repressive wave held in Havana, activists, artists and freelance journalists of the island made public a statement in protest at police violence against him.

 

 

I own you and it's all you have to do is obey':

the interrogation of curator Anamely Ramos


The

activist was arrested twice on Saturday and subjected to police

and sexist violence.

FacebookTwitterLinkedInWhatsApp

DDC

Havana 12 Oct 2020 - 15:58 CEST

Art

Curator Anamely Ramos reported on a direct Sunday the violence

they exerted against her in the last arrests of the weekend

state security officers and the police of the regime.

Ramos, a member of the San Isidro Movement, reported that on Friday 20

men from the political police devoted themselves to suppressing it with

the newness of state individuals and institutions, which he described as

a "sample of the totalitarianism of the state" and how State Security exercises

control over everything.

From Cuba and Chacón Ramos she was taken to EGREM on Friday, supposedly for "greater comfort"

and after violence had been used to get her arrest.

In

the second arrest on Saturday, simply because she wanted

to leave her home, Ramos was chased by a patrol with the siren set by streets

of Centro Habana "as if she were a criminal".

"The

hard part," he described it, began in the Alamar Police unit,

where she was driven after the arrest.

The "logic

of the regime," according to the first of the talks attempted

by a female political police officer who presented herself for good,

is that "rights are won."

In a

change of strategy, a lieutenant colonel who described her

as "very violent, aggressive" subjected her to a second interrogation.

"Criminal

instructor Vladimir came with another officer and all the instruments to start a legal process supposedly

for tampering with the order," she said, something she learned "after much discussion

with him."

Already

he wanted to test me for, hair samples, that is, he wanted

to prosecute me criminally..., added Ramos, who was denied all the time

to perform such tests.

"He

insisted a lot that all I had to do was obey, he spoke to me

in very violent terms: 'I am your owner and all it is your turn to obey' (...)

He said he wasn't interested in the right thing, that he was the authority,

and that I had to undergo the tests," he said.

The

lieutenant colonel threatened her with another cause for disobedience:

"she told me she was going to go to the Vivac for three days."

"I

tell you all this because they're raising the stop and they're

trying to prosecute me for something, because they're head of something.

It was very rude all the time, screaming (...) I corrected all the time

the offenses he used against me and that of course altered him more, he slapped

at me at one point, with total machismo, with total abuse of power,"

his story continued.

"We

own the revolution, we own freedom of opinion (...)

He repeated to me many times that he was a cop and was there to suppress people

like me."

In

the end, State Security determined to release Ramos

and have a patrol drive her home.

"Let

him be happy because for this time I had been spared my life,

so he said (Vladimir). However, since he had to take revenge, he fined me 2,000 pesos for alleged

misuse of nasobuco," he added.

It reports Diario de Cuba and translates Lighthouse Publisher Press team.


 


'Bajanda, perra': 
Castro's henchmen and mobs against 
peaceful activists in Cuba

On October 10, several members of civil society were attacked
and detained. This is the first part of an account of the events.
FacebookTwitterLinkedInWhatsApp
LIEN CARRAZANA
Madrid 14 Oct 2020 - 14:32 CEST
Tania Bruguera, Camila Lobón, Aminta de Cárdenas and 
Kirenia Yalit inside the patrol. October 10, 2020. 
HAMLET LAVASTIDA / FACEBOOK
Two minors are raped by agents in Havana: 
"What were they doing alone?" Two young people have been killed
by police officers so far this year: "they were thieves", 
"they must have done something". They arrest peaceful activists 
who wanted to celebrate the day of national rebellion: 
"nothing new", "more of the same", "as always". 
Did Cubans get so used to police violence that they see it as 
normal?
 
After arbitrary arrests carried out in previous days, 
this October 10, 2020, a diverse group of activists signed 
a statement to state that they are not used to police violence,
 and that they went out into the street because 
"if they mess with you, they get into With everyone".
They were going to the headquarters of the San Isidro Movement 
(MSI), where a concert was going to be held to inaugurate 
the space after a remodeling. But there another kind of 
"cultural activity" awaited them.
 
'Let's go to the concert' at 4:20 PM
 
The marriage of actress Iris Ruiz and poet Amaury Pacheco 
left their home in Alamar without difficulties. 
There was no police surveillance, as can be seen in the direct
 that the couple made on Facebook.
 
They took a taxi and at the exit of the tunnel they saw 
Lieutenant Santos following them on a motorcycle. 
"Go straight to Cuba and Chacón," the officer shouted 
at the taxi driver, Iris said.
 
"Hey, and who is that guy?" The driver asked the activist couple. 
The security agent "looked like a madman, screaming 
alone on the motorcycle."
From the taxi Amaury rebuked Lieutenant Santos and refused 
to go to the station. Then he asked the driver to stop, 
but he did not wait for the driver to stop and jumped 
out of the car. The taxi driver slammed on the brake. 
Iris also got out. They paid the taxi driver and continued 
at full speed across the grass that borders the tunnel exit. 
Iris thought they might have been run over. 
When they got to the top, already on the street, 
they tried to make a direct one, but the internet on their 
cell phone did not work.
The specialized police detained them in the vicinity 
of the Cabaña bar. There was also Officer Santos, 
who had stopped the taxi driver and was driving him to the Cuba
 and Chacón stations.
 
Iris and Amaury were taken to the police station, 
held until 8:00 PM, and then returned to their home. 
"No one questioned us or told us anything," 
Iris explained, noting that what Santos did ask her to give 
him the phone number, claiming that she had recorded it 
in a previous arrest.
 
After being taken home, Officer Santos gave them back their 
identity cards and the phone, but he kept watching 
them all night in a kindergarten near the couple's home.
While at the station, Iris and Amaury managed to see scientist 
Oscar Casanella, who had also been detained.
 
Verbal and physical violence
 
Other activists did manage to reach the MSI headquarters, 
but they found it closed and there was "a cultural event" 
on the street. The producer Michel Matos made a direct arriving 
at the place, accompanied by the activist Kirenia Yalit Nuñez,
 the producer Aminta de Cárdenas, and the artists 
Tania Bruguera and Camila Lobón.
 
"A spokesman with a microphone begins to embolden that mass, 
that paramilitary horde" against us, Michel said. A mob, 
made up mostly of elderly ladies, rushed at them. 
"They weren't people from the neighborhood," 
said artist Camila Lobón, 25, the youngest of the detainees.

https://diariodecuba.com


 

 

Tania Bruguera, with headache and ears 
from a sound similar to that of a cricket, 
but 'electronic'
The sound 'is cricket-like, but electronic, 
and very loud. It cannot be natural. 
It is activated every minute or so ', 
denounces the Cuban artist.

Cuban artist Tania Bruguera. TANIA BRUGUERA / FACEBOOK
DDC
La Habana 
The Cuban artist Tania Bruguera denounced through her social networks 
the appearance of a strange noise inside her house, 
similar to that of a cricket, 
which has caused her a great headache and ears, which several 
people have associated with the so-called "acoustic attacks" 
previously reported by US diplomats.
 
"Does anyone know this noise? It's cricket-like, but electronic
 and very loud. 
It can't be natural, it goes off every minute or so and lasts 
for a minute, minute, and sixteen seconds, minute, 
and twenty-one seconds and I have a head and ears that cannot be held. 
The actual volume is not recorded in the recording, 
it is actually a very high and penetrating volume, "Bruguera wrote on 
her social networks.
She then posted a recording of the sound, and asked if anyone 
could identify it.
 
Minutes later Deborah Bruguera, the artist's sister, affirmed that they 
confronted the sound heard by Tania Bruguera "and it is identical 
to that heard by the workers of the American Embassy in Havana 
and that according to investigations they designated as a sonic weapon",
 although she clarified that
 "Tania's sound may feel a little higher-pitched 
because it was recorded in a precarious way."
 
Deborah Bruguera wrote an extensive post where she listed 
several strategies used by Cuban State Security to affect Tania Bruguera, 
among which she mentioned what happened on October 10, when
she suffered an act of repudiation and subsequent arrest.
"The only way to get it out of the way is either with 
a very rare car accident, 
like the one I suffered on March 1 and in which my mother died 
and we could all have lost our lives, or in a more silent way," 
Deborah wrote Bruguera.
 
"I wake up with this post from my sister and the sound recorded by chat, 
does it worry me? Yes, could it be a sonic attack? Who knows,
 is it a strategy for her to just leave Cuba? Probably, 
¿ It is very strange that 
sound born suddenly and now insistent? Definitely, do you always 
backfire with it? Without a doubt, "she added.
"Turn off your gadgets because you are not alone in hell! 
And if you want
 to hurt her you will be simply creating a hero when she is simply 
in the front row with everyone else and arm in arm with the others.
 They can go very wrong, she is just one more, she is all the others, 
all the others are her, so turn that off or as always the shot may 
come back on you ", concluded her sister.
 
In September 2017, the United States Government decided to withdraw 
all non-essential personnel and their families from its Embassy in Cuba 
due to the fact that a score of diplomats experienced symptoms such
 as dizziness, vertigo, mental confusion, partial deafness and 
basic vocabulary gaps. supposedly caused by exposure
 to persistent sounds of unknown origin in their homes or hotel rooms.
The hypothesis of the attack gained strength after the broadcast of
 an audio recording, made by US diplomatic personnel in Havana and
 published by the Associated Press (AP), in which an
 annoying high-pitched buzzing similar to that of a cricket was heard.
 
The Cuban authorities, who carried out their own investigation,
 assured in 2017 that the investigations showed "the lack of evidence
 indicating the occurrence of the alleged acoustic attacks."
The New York Times analyzed the incident and noted that some
 of the affected people had their lives changed and in some cases
 ended their careers.
 
"A few minutes of a high-pitched noise, usually accompanied by a 
sensation of high pressure, described as a 'force field', 
was felt in their homes
 and hotel rooms in Cuba for several months at the end of 2016," 
the US media explained. .
 
At the end of 2018 an article published by the prestigious
 American magazine
 The New Yorker linked Alejandro Castro Espín, son of 
Raúl Castro and until then head of the Defense and 
National Security Commission, who advised his father, with 
the alleged acoustic attacks that they affected 
two dozen US and Canadian diplomats in Havana.
The report, titled "The Mystery of the Havana Syndrome,"
 indicates that the Cuban Interior Ministry department 
headed by Castro Espín would have been dismantled around March, 
just when she was not included among the nominees to replace his 
father at the helm. the Cuban government raised speculation.
 
According to The New Yorker, several US officials who used to maintain 
contact with him during the period of normalization
 of diplomatic relations 
between the governments of Cuba and the US said that 
"she is not responding to your messages."
 
The episode, which has not yet been clarified,
 ended up being one of the major triggers for the freezing of relations
 between the US and Cuba.



 


Cuban activist Keilylli de La Mora
 tries to commit suicide 
again in prison
 
The opponent was admitted to a psychiatric ward of the Cienfuegos provincial 
hospital, but later returned to the Sabanas prison.

DDC

Cienfuegos


Keilylli de la Mora Valle. K. DE LA MORA/FACEBOOK

The activist Keilylli from La Mora Valle was admitted for the second time
 in a psychiatric ward after she attempted on her life in prison, 
reported Raúl González González, leader of Consenso Ciudadano, 
belonging to the Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU).
 
"A source very close to her that I cannot reveal because I do not have
 her authorization assured me that Keily again wanted to hang herself with 
a sheet in her cell because she can no longer bear so much abuse,"
 González told CubaNet.
According to the opponent, for this reason the prison authorities 
referred her to a psychiatric ward at the Gustavo Aldereguía Lima 
Provincial Hospital in Cienfuegos. There, she was first medicated 
and later admitted to the medical post 
of the Mixed Center for Women in Sabanas, where she is currently 
serving her 18-month prison sentence.
 
"They denied her the phone for two months and then they allowed her to do so, 
but within the prison management and in the presence of the director. 
The abuses against her have not stopped, on the contrary, 
they have been increasing. She asked through the person who serves as a bridge,
 all our solidarity and support, "added González.
 
De La Mora Valle, also a promoter of Cuba Decide, was sentenced 
on May 7 to deprivation of liberty for the alleged crimes of 
"propagation of epidemics", "contempt", "attack" and "disobedience", in a summary trial that It was carried out behind closed doors and without the right to a lawyer.
On June 4, the day he entered jail, he began the first of several hunger strikes 
that he has sustained in almost five months of incarceration.
 
Through the few telephone calls that have been allowed, the activist 
has denounced the verbal and physical violence against her, 
as well as the refusal of the authorities to provide her with adequate medical care.
 In less than two months, the opponent has tried to commit suicide 
at least three times.
 
During her admissions, the prison authorities have kept her handcuffed 
to the bed and undergoing treatment that included injections 
unknown to the inmate, in order to keep her sedated. In addition, 
De La Mora has denounced that she was beaten to prevent her from protesting.
One of his strikes lasting more than two weeks caused his hemoglobin 
to drop to 4.2. In that condition, she was sent to prison without
 treatment for her recovery.
 
His imprisonment has generated the concern of international organizations 
such as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) 
and officials of the United States Government such as Michael G. Kozak, 
US Under Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, 
and Mara Tekach, former Chargé d'Affaires of USA in Cuba.
Reported Diario de Cuba-https://diariodecuba.com/

 

 

Regime bans journalist Miriam Celaya from leaving Cuba

Celaya was notified of the ban this Friday, when she went to extend her passport at the Directorate of Identification, Immigration and Foreign Affairs (DIIE) of the municipality of Centro Habana, where she resides

 
Miriam Celaya (Photo: Facebook/Miriam Celaya)

MIAMI, USA. – Cuban freelance journalist Miriam Celaya, a collaborator of 14ymedio and CubaNet,was regulated by the authorities of the island and will not be able to travel abroad in the coming months.

Celaya was notified of the ban this Friday, when she went to extend her passport at the Directorate of Identification, Immigration and Foreign Affairs (DIIE) of the municipality of Centro Habana, where she resides.

"I went to make the extension of my passport early, to the office of the Directorate of Identification, Immigration and Foreign Affairs (DIIE) of Centro Habana and there I was told that it was regulated, so I could not complete the procedure," the journalist told 14ymedio.

As he recounts, on-duty officials did not offer him explanations of the country's exit ban, a move that also weighs on hundreds of activists, opponents and members of independent civil society.

"I have been regulated for writing, for my work as a journalist and for what I share on social media," added the journalist, who has challenged State Security on several occasions for refusing to answer questions in interrogations to which he has been quoted.

Celaya, who also holds Spanish nationality, explained to 14ymedio that he intended to spend the end of the year with his relatives in the United States.

According to figures from the Patmos Institute,an organization coordinated by Cuban Pastor Mario Félix Lleonart, in 2019 at least 223 Cuban citizens were unable to leave the island for political reasons.

The list was headed by human rights activists, artists, journalists, religious leaders and other independent civil society actors in Cuba.

Although there are no records of the official number of regulated so far this year, the figure would have fallen ostensibly due to the closure of borders caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The bans on departure from the country are an essential part of the coercive policies implemented by the Island regime against opponents and dissidents.

Decree-Law 302 in force in the Cuban Constitution includes in article 25 the prohibition of departure "for reasons of public interest or national security", a clear violation of article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which specifies that "everyone has the right to move freely" and "to leave any country, including his own, and to return".

 

https://www.cubanet.org/ 
 


 

 

'They violate my privacy all the time,' Cuban activists report victims of the cyberbullying of political police

DIARIO DE CUBA talks to Claudia Genlui, Iliana Hernández and Omara Ruiz Urquiola about the lack of privacy on the island

Madrid 
Claudia Genlui, Iliana Hernández and Omara Ruiz Urquiola. CLAUDIA GENLUI AND OMARA RUIZ

 

 

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